Two Lefts, Two Paths: Quebec Left Politics and the Immigration Question through Bill 84

Francesco Coirazza

“Multiculturalism finally no longer applies to Quebec! […] It’s a model that has always been harmful to Quebec,” claimed Minister of the French Language Jean-François Roberge in the salon rouge of the Quebec legislature on 28 May 2025. On that day, Quebec’s National Assembly passed Bill 84: An Act Respecting National Integration, a controversial law introduced by the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) government. Spearheaded by Roberge, the bill establishes a new integration framework aimed at preserving Quebec’s French language and cultural identity by shifting further away from Canada’s multicultural immigration model. Two parties that, at one time or another, have claimed to be on the left voted on the bill that Wednesday morning. They landed on opposite sides of the ledger. The Parti Québecois (PQ), arguably a social democratic party for a significant part of its existence, voted with the CAQ, while the younger and more unambiguously leftist Québec solidaire (QS) voted against the bill.[1] As we will come to recognize, these opposing responses underscore a deep ideological split within Quebec’s nationalist Left—one increasingly defined by the immigration question. In this particular case, Bill 84 can be used as a lens to reveal how two progressive parties—the PQ and QS—have grown apart (with the PQ making a sharp departure from leftist politics), especially when considering the hot topic of immigration in Quebec. By retracing their respective historical progressions, we are able to understand how nationalism in Quebec can be used both as a tool for exclusion or a foundation for solidarity and inclusion along cultural lines.

Founded in 1968, the Parti Québécois emerged out of the Quiet Revolution and the growing support for Quebec sovereignty. It was initially a party of the left, combining social democracy with cultural nationalism. André Bernard outlines how “during the time of its first mandate, from 1976 to 1981, the PQ government followed typical practices that other social-democratic maintained during that same era.” Furthermore, Bernard notes, “most PQ members during the seventies called themselves social-democrats. René Lévesque, their leader, often defined himself as such and supported social-democratic resolutions.” [2] The PQ’s first electoral victory in 1976 marked the beginning of a government that emphasized francophone empowerment but also advocated progressive measures such as the integration of newcomers. As Martin Pâquet explains, PQ policies in the 1970s were grounded in the theory of “Autant de façons d’être Québécois” (Many ways to be Quebecois) — a pluralist ideology that recognized diverse cultural contributions within a common national identity.[3] Immigration rapidly diversified under the PQ: by 1980, immigrants from the Maghreb, Latin America, and Southeast Asia made up 53% of Quebec’s immigration intake, compared to 27% in 1973.[4] This increased acceptance of allophone immigrants reflected a deliberate policy of openness in early PQ policy. Under the PQ in the 70’s there was a much more even playing field for all potential immigrants, francophones and allophones alike. Gérald Godin, former PQ Minister of Immigration (and, interestingly, October Crisis detainee), embodied this inclusive vision. He hoped Quebec would become “ a global model, a homeland where a brotherhood between diverse peoples will have been achieved.”[5] Godin’s efforts to regularize the status of 10,000 undocumented Haitians in 1981 (despite pressures from the federal government) further confirmed this progressive stance.[6]

However, the PQ’s approach to immigrant and allophone communities began to shift following the failed 1995 sovereignty referendum. In his concession speech, Premier Jacques Parizeau blamed the loss on “money and ethnic votes,”[7] a statement that sent shockwaves through Quebec society. By drawing a clear line between “real” Quebecers and immigrants, Parizeau blurred the lines on the inclusive nature of the PQ’s sovereignty project. This watershed moment marked a new tack for the PQ on the immigration question, a shift that would help open the door for a new player on the Quebec left. This shift crystallized during Pauline Marois’ PQ government (2012–2014). While overall immigration was rising in Quebec, the only major dip during that period occurred under Marois, falling from 55,000 to 49,000 immigrants annually. This drop in immigration can be attributed to changes in the Quebec Skilled Worker Program (QSWP). Marois’ government increased the weight of French proficiency in the selection process, allocating up to 22 points for language skills, with a heavy emphasis on advanced French.[8] While framed as cultural protection, the effect was to screen out non-francophone applicants, effectively using francization as a tool of exclusion rather than inclusion, like in the 70’s.

The PQ has since doubled down on this position in recent years. Its 2024 platform, Un Québec libre de ses choix (A Quebec free to choose), calls for cutting temporary immigration in half within four years and reducing permanent immigration to pre-2003 (that is, pre-Liberal government) levels. It blames immigrants for strained public services and frames reducing immigration as a solution to the question of integration in the province. Section 5.1.1 contrasts the PQ and Liberal eras in terms of the immigration question: “The services were not in a state of constant pressure as is the case today, with among other things the opening of 1267 reception classes to respond to this wave of migration.”[9] This position helps explain the PQ’s ultimate support for Bill 84. While leader Paul St-Pierre Plamondon criticized the CAQ for hypocrisy—proposing new integration laws while cutting francization funding—he emphasized the need to reduce immigration levels as the real solution. “The bottom line,” St-Pierre Plamondon stated, is that “if [the government does not] control the levels of immigration [. . .] [they] can table bills all [they] want [. . .] the financial and political decisions of the CAQ speak for themselves.”[10] St-Pierre Plamondon targeted the issue of high immigration numbers under the CAQ government despite it having no direct correlation with the introduction of the bill. Like Parizeau in 1995, his message is clear: Quebec’s cultural cohesion is threatened by demographic diversity.

While the PQ shifted toward cultural protectionism, Québec Solidaire (QS) emerged in 2006 to reclaim a progressive vision of sovereignty. Formed in direct opposition to Lucien Bouchard’s 2005 manifesto, Pour un Québec lucide (For a lucid Quebec), QS merged grassroots activism with Left parliamentary politics. Its founding documents, like the 2006 Manifeste pour un Québec solidaire (Manifesto for a united Quebec), made it clear: sovereignty was a tool to achieve a socially democratic, inclusive state.[11] From the outset, QS framed immigration as essential to that vision. The manifesto argued for expanding immigration and recognizing the credentials of newcomers. A decade later, the 2017 Présentation de Québec solidaire (Presentation of Québec solidaire) reaffirmed this stance, emphasizing the “moral and political responsibility to welcome refugee individuals and families” and asserting that “Quebec is also enriched by the contribution of people belonging to different immigrant communities.”[12] For QS, inclusion and cultural autonomy are mutually reinforcing. This notion is further echoed by scholars such as Eric Montigny who claims that “regarding immigration [. . .] contemporary Québec nationalism is pluralistic as it relies upon the ability of the state to welcome more citizens to the nation.”[13]

QS’ commitment to immigration was on full display during a press conference over Bill 84. QS spokesperson Ruba Ghazal denounced the CAQ’s decision to cut integration funding while demanding greater efforts for immigrant integration. “If [M. Roberge] wants to put a law about integration,” she said, “he should not cut the integration measures of his government.” Ghazal’s response highlights QS’s fundamental belief: that successful francization requires investment, not restriction. QS’s critique also resisted the scapegoating of immigrants for the province’s challenges. “The government should stop pointing to immigration as the cause of all the problems that the government creates,” Ghazal argued “the way to resolve this problem is to invest in public services like health and education.” [14] This reflects a consistent social democratic lens: blame systemic underfunding, not immigrants. Importantly, QS’s approach to nationalism centers on inclusion, not exclusion. Their 2024 initiative, Nouveau Québec, promotes sovereignty to younger generations through a narrative of shared belonging. A quote from Ghazal, herself a Palestinian-born Québécoise, accurately encapsulates the campaign: “I have two nations, but no country. I want my country of Quebec.”[15] Her statement captures the party’s effort to construct a national identity that embraces diversity rather than retreating from it. Scholar Catherine Xhardez observes that QS, unlike the CAQ or PQ, does not campaign on immigration thresholds. This silence is strategic: it positions immigration as a social good rather than a problem to be managed. Further, the immigration question is not simply reduced to numbers in QS’s approach. Xhardez and Mireille Paquet write that “immigration is now a topic around which elections can be fought and won,” yet QS consistently resists using immigration stats and numbers as planks in their policy.[16]

The reactions to Bill 84 reveal two divergent paths for purportedly progressive parties in Quebec politics. The Parti Québécois, once a party that welcomed diversity under the guise of Quebec nationalism, has gradually come to equate sovereignty with cultural defensiveness. From Gérald Godin’s inclusive vision to Jacques Parizeau’s ethnic blame and now Paul St-Pierre Plamondon’s outright anti-immigration stance, the PQ’s trajectory reveals a party increasingly defined by a narrowing vision of Quebec society and nationalism—one that does include outsiders. In contrast, Québec Solidaire has used that very same nationalist framework to argue for a more open, pluralist Quebec. For QS, sovereignty is a foundation for social justice and equitable inclusion. Its rejection of Bill 84 signals its true commitment to left politics, unlike the PQ, which is hardly recognized as a leftist party anymore. It reflects a commitment to the idea that Quebec culture and language can thrive through solidarity, rather than exclusion.

Francesco Coirazza is a third-year history undergraduate student at McGill University. His work primarily deals with the history of immigration and Quebec.

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[1] Thomas Laberge, “Roberge Veut Renvoyer Le Multiculturalisme Dans Les « limbes De L’histoire »,” La Presse, last modified May 28, 2025, https://www.lapresse.ca/actualites/politique/2025-05-28/roberge-veut-renvoyer-le-multiculturalisme-dans-les-limbes-de-l-histoire.php. Translated by author.

[2] André Bernard, “Le Parti québécois, parti social-démocrate: les années du pouvoir (1976-1985),” in La social-démocratie en cette fin de siècle / Late Twentieth-Century Social Democracy (PUQ, 2011), 115, https://canadacommons.ca/artifacts/1881987/la-social-democratie-en-cette-fin-de-siecle/2631342/view/?page=5. Translated by author.

[3] Martin Pâquet, “Les normes du contrat 1968-1981,” in Tracer les marges de la cité: étranger, immigrant et Etat au Québec, 1627-1981 (Montréal: Boréal, 2005), 201. Translated by author.

[4] Pâquet, “Les normes du contrat”, 203. Translated by author.

[5] Erik K. Desrosiers, Nationalisme et racisme: Analyse de dix ans de discours du Parti Québécois à l’égard des communautés minoritaires du Québec (1981-1990) (McGill University, 1992), 43, https://proxy.library.mcgill.ca/login?url=https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/nationalisme-et-racisme-analyse-de-dix-ans/docview/304048008/se-2. Translated by author.

[6] Robert McKenzie, “Quebecers Warming Up to Immigrants,” The Toronto Star, March 24, 1988, A26, https://www.proquest.com/hnptorontostar/docview/1364742564/5583284AF144A0DPQ/14?accountid=12339&sourcetype=Newspapers

[7] Chaîne du Québec, “Jacques Parizeau – 30 octobre 1995,” YouTube, October 30, 1995, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y61a2Vh-NdY. Translated by author.

[8] Éditeur officielle du Québec, Gazette officielle du Québec: Laws and Regulations, Vol. 145, No. 29, (Montréal: Bibliothèque nationale du Québec, 2013), https://www.publicationsduquebec.gouv.qc.ca/fileadmin/gazette/pdf_encrypte/gaz_entiere/1329-A.pdf.

[9] Parti Québécois, Un Québec libre de ses choix: pour un modèle viable en immigration (Québec City: L’Assemblée nationale du Québec, 2024), 70, https://pq.org/independance/plan-immigration/. Translated by author.

[10] Montréal Gazette, “PQ skeptical of the CAQ’s promise of a new model for integrating immigrants,” YouTube, January 28, 2025, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9SbtR-fFHJE.

[11] Françoise David, Manifeste pour un Québec solidaire, (Montréal, 2006), https://classiques.uqam.ca/contemporains/finances_publiques_qc/manifeste_qc_solidaire. Translated by author.

[12] Québec Solidaire, Présentation de Québec Solidaire, (Montréal: Comité régional de formation de Québec solidaire Capitale-nationale, 2017), https://api-wp.quebecsolidaire.net/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/Pre%CC%81sentation-de-QUE%CC%81BEC-SOLIDAIRE_2017.pdf. Translated by author.

[13] Eric Montigny, “A New Party System Linked to the Evolution of Quebec Nationalism,” French Politics 21, no. 3 (June/July 2023): 261, https://doi.org/10.1057/s41253-023-00222-3.

[14] Montreal Gazette, “Legault’s call for relocating asylum seekers is ‘highly irresponsible,’ Québec solidaire says,” YouTube, October 3, 2024, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VYQQqIX7PXk.

[15] Québec Solidaire, “Construisons ensemble un Pays qui nous ressemble,” accessed June 11, 2025, https://www.nouveauquebec.info/. Translated by author.

[16] Catherine Xhardez, “Chapitre 12 L’immigration et l’élection québécoise de 2018,” in Nouvelles dynamiques de l’immigration au Québec, (Montréal: Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal, 2022) https://doi.org/10.1515/9782760646049-013; Catherine Xhardez and Mireille Paquet, “Beyond the Usual Suspects and Towards Politicisation: Immigration in Quebec’s Party Manifestos, 1991–2018,” Journal of International Migration and Integration 22, no. 2 (August 2020): 675, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-020-00764-3.