Feeling Weird in the Archives

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Dani K. Inkpen

“History should make you feel weird.” So proclaims a widely touted slogan of history nerds. While there is much in the world foisting weirdness upon us today, too rarely do we intentionally seek the off-beat. History students should. “Weird,” though it has come to mean uncanny or bizarre, has its roots in the idea of the turning of events. The Old English wyrd meant the principle, power, or agency by which events are predetermined. In a word, fate. It may have come from older words meaning “to turn” or “to wind” thus referencing the Roman Parcae and their northern counterparts, the Norns: the three women, who spun, measured, and irrevocably cut life’s thread. Shakespeare’s “Weyard Sisters” retain this association in their scrying of Macbeth’s destiny. These are fitting associations for the study of the past. For is not history’s chief concern understanding how the threads of past events are woven into the ever growing, shifting, impossibly complex tapestry from which springs our present predicament?

But history should make you feel weird for less etymological reasons. The more recent meaning of “weird,” aligning it with the bizarre, is a good starting point for inquiry. Cultural historian Robert Darnton was on to this when he followed the trail of his own ignorance. He (understandably) didn’t get what was so funny to eighteenth-century Frenchmen about murdering and mutilating cats. “Our own inability to get [a] joke is an indication of the distance that separates us,” he observed, “the perception of distance may serve as the starting point of an investigation.” I tell my first-year history students: If you feel weird because you don’t “get it,” you’re in the right place to start learning.

Recently, I found myself feeling weird in a small room shaped like an uppercase E. Boxed in by looming rows of bounded journals, at the end of my worktable a young former Duke of Edinburgh was framed and mounted, his orca sleek hair dissolving into the black shadows surrounding him. Next to her husband’s portrait, an even younger Queen Elizabeth II, gowned and crowned, alighted from a royal Rolls-Royce at the doors of Lincoln’s Inn on December 9th, 1957. I was in the heart of Empire. To my left, on another rectangular wooden table, an old-fashioned ice axe with a smooth wooden shaft rested casually as if its owner would soon return for it. I later learned it belonged to Andrew (Sandy) Irvine, a young mountaineer who was lost on Chomolungma (Everest) with George Mallory in 1924. He wasn’t coming back for it.

I was in the library of the Alpine Club of London. The Alpine Club, first of its name, founded 100 years before Elizabeth arrived at the Lincoln Inn. Before me sat a large, royal blue binder with a black spine and black corner lapels. “Original letters” its cover stated, “Farrar, Freshfield, Adams, Reilly, Whymper.” These were storied names in the history of mountaineering. Indeed, so many stories have been pinned to these names that recently scholars and mountain history enthusiasts have rightly demanded other stories about other people. Toward the back of the volume, after pages of dizzying swirls and swooping curlicues the Victorian script gave way to a neatly printed letter:

LETTERS BY THE REV. CHARLES HUDSON AND EDWARD WHYMPER RELATING TO THE MATTERHORN DISASTER OF 1865

The Matterhorn Disaster. The triumph and failure that is said to have shuttered the “Golden Age” of Alpine Mountaineering in July 1865. Edward Whymper (1840-1911), Rev. Charles Hudson (1828-65), Lord Francis Douglas (1847-65), Douglas Hadow (1846-65), Michel Croz (1830-65), and the father (1820-1888) and son (1843-1923) guides both named Peter Taugwalder, had summitted the technically challenging mountain, but only three survived. The others plummeted to their deaths after the young Hadow lost his footing and dragged Hudson, Douglas, and Croz off the mountainside. All would have perished had the rope not snapped, sparing Whymper and the Taugwalders a mutilating 4000-metre fall.

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When did the Great Acceleration start? Saskatchewan might hold the answer

Jim Clifford

When did the Great Acceleration start? Saskatchewan might hold the answer. Between the 1890s and the 1930s, the settler population exploded, and these newcomers broke 20 million acres of prairie grassland into wheat farms. The transformation released vast quantities of CO2 held in the soil and was inseparable from the genocidal dislocation of Indigenous people from their land.1 Saskatchewan’s agricultural transformation coincided with settlement on the Great Plains in the United States, the pampas in Argentina, the cocoa boom in the Gold Coast (modern Ghana), the sugar boom in Fiji and the Philippines, and rubber booms in Brazil, Ceylon and the Congo Free State. This global “golden age” of resource-led development transformed ecosystems across the globe and contributed to the early stages of anthropogenic climate change.2 It all took place decades before the conventional 1950 start of the Great Acceleration.3

Figure 1. The Great Acceleration dashboard. Twenty-four global trends — twelve socio-economic, twelve Earth System — plotted from 1750 to 2010, with the post-1950 take-off that gives the Great Acceleration its name (Steffen et al. 2015). Image: via Courtney White, “What Is Earth For?,” The Grass Canoe/Resilience.org, August 19, 2019.

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Canada’s Christine Jorgenson?

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Walter T. Cassidy

The Windsor Star reported an incident on May 28th, 1954—as did papers all over North America—about a Port Colborne, Ontario woman being arrested in Buffalo, New York, for trying to enter the United States “illegally” after being in an accident in the neighbouring American town. It was her second time trying to cross the border, the first time was in Windsor, in 1950, where she was simply turned away. What makes this experience unique was because of what she said to the arresting officers. She declared herself the “Canadian Christine Jorgenson.”[i]

Marie Jeffersons’s story is vastly different than Jorgensen’s. One significant distinction was that Jorgensen was not Intersex. It was reported that Marie was “born with both male and female characteristics” and that her mother had twelve doctors called in to decide on her sex and advised her mother to bring Marie up as a boy.[ii]

Trans and intersex communities should not be seen as the same but instead as communities whose experiences, at times, intersect. Most people with Intersex conditions do not identify as Trans and, as stated in The Intersex Society of North America website, “only a small portion of intersex people experience” issues with their gender identity. Marie’s story is not the typical narrative of the Intersex experience. Her story is one of those rare examples at a time when being Intersex was not seen as its own identity. If the doctors would have decided that she was female, she may not have ever been written about at all.

What makes Marie’s story so valuable is that she participated in shaping her own narrative and worked to spare others from the hardships she endured. Unfortunately, she failed to make quite the effect she wanted to, and her story was lost to history.

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“An Unwarranted Restraint:” Shining Light on Section 141 of the Indian Act (1927-1951)

Amy Swiffen, Keith Charry, Hannah Wyile and Kris Millett

This post is part of the Indian Act 150 series

There is a harmful provision of the Indian Act that, until recently, has never been the object of sustained scholarly scrutiny: Section 141. In force from 1927 to 1951, this provision made it an offence for Indigenous peoples to raise funds or retain legal counsel to pursue claims in court without first seeking written permission from the Superintendent General of the Department of Indian Affairs. Because very little is written about the section, it’s often assumed that it was hardly used. However, our research reveals that it was used in targeted ways, and that its history offers a window into the broader logic of the Indian Act as an administrative instrument that aimed to regulate and diminish Indigenous political authority.

A page from Canada’s Indian Act showing Section 141, a provision in force from 1927 to 1951.

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Common Sense – What’s Old is News

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By Sean Graham

This week, I talk with Michael North, author of author of Making Common Sense: On the Construction of the Obvious from Antiquity to AI. We talk about what counts as ‘common’ sense, its relation to the 5 senses, and how that understanding shaped perceptions of common sense. We then get into a discussion about the modern understanding of common sense, the difference between that and reason, and how algorithms and AI are shaping our understanding of what counts as ‘common’ sense.

Historical Headline of the Week

Jo Marchant, “The American Revolution’s Overlooked Influence? Physics. How ‘Common Sense’ Spelled Out Astronomical Expectations for a New Nation,” Smithsonian Magazine, Summer 2026.

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Nova Scotia’s Rural Museums Remain at Risk!

By Erin Isaac and Cady Berardi

In the weeks after a sudden February announcement that twelve provincial museums were slated to close in Nova Scotia, murmurs began to circulate that some of these sites might be rescued. The controversial decision to remove these rural sites from the Nova Scotia Museum followed significant budget cuts to several provincial departments including the Department of Communities, Culture, Tourism and Heritage, resulting in slashed programs and protests across the province.

The provincial government backpedaled cuts to disability and senior supports, as well as Indigenous and African Nova Scotian programs in the following weeks. In mid-April, some historical societies began to announce that their museum had been “saved.” While the decision to cut these sites from the Nova Scotia Museum was upheld, six of the twelve were offered alternative funding through the Community Museums Association Program (CMAP). 

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Finding Private Amat: A Research Method for Recovering Overlooked Soldiers of the CEF

Daniyal Elahi and Harris Elahi

In December 2025, ActiveHistory.ca published our first piece on Private Hasan Amat, a soldier of the 1st Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force, killed at the Battle of Hill 70 on August 20, 1917. To our knowledge, he is the first identified Muslim soldier killed in action serving with the CEF. He is also one of twenty-two known Muslim soldiers to have served in Canadian uniform during the First World War.

This article is about how we found him. It is also about what we did with that knowledge after the file was closed.

How the Search Started

In 2024, before we had ever opened an LAC personnel file, we were doing background reading for an academic article on Canadian and South Asian service in the First World War. In one of the secondary sources, a passing footnote mentioned a Muslim soldier killed at Hill 70 in 1917. The footnote did not name him and there was no reference. We bookmarked it and moved on.

In November 2024, a junior cadet at our corps, 337 Queen’s York Rangers in North York, told Daniyal that he wished he could see more people who looked like himself in Canadian remembrance. That sentence stayed with us. We had a corps standing parade the following week, and the gap between the cadet’s question and what we could answer felt larger than it should have.

We went back to the footnote. We wanted to find out who he was. What followed was about ten months of searching. Most of the work happened in two places: Library and Archives Canada (LAC) and the Commonwealth War Graves Commission (CWGC) database. Both are open access, but neither is straightforward.

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A Source of Perspective: The Great Acceleration and The Canada Land Survey System

Andrew Burke

This is the seventh post in a series about the Great Acceleration as a framework and reconnaissance for Canadian environmental history. The posts in this series are cross-posted with NiCHE

It is fundamentally about change; constant, rapid change. J. R. McNeill and Peter Engelke described the Great Acceleration, in part, as “what is certainly the most anomalous and unrepresentative period in the 200,000-year-long history of relations between our species and the biosphere.”1 The Great Acceleration appears to mark a true rupture, and if McNeill and Engelke’s predictions are right, a moment which does not last.2 What value then does centring this potentially ephemeral, exponentially unstable, and measurably unprecedented period bring to the development of a framework for Canadian environmental history? It provides perspective. The concept, applied as part of a frame for historical thinking, establishes a kind of exceptionalism of the present that leads to questions around how current conditions came about, what triggered the acceleration, and whether the future might look more like the past than the present. Equally exceptional is the level of personal access to technological resources enjoyed by those living in the Digital Age. Individuals, as well as institutions, rely daily on abundant and available technologies of measurement and administration that permeate our relationships with the physical world. Meteorological forecasts, regulations, maps, and statistical products (including those measuring the acceleration itself) exist as facts in our lives, making it easy to forget that they are interpretive tools.

In this context, a historical framework centred on the Great Acceleration must be grounded in a firm understanding of how systems, tools, and structures for knowing the environment have developed with reference to the acceleration. What is novel and what is a continuity with the past? Have developments in these systems come in response to the acceleration; are they made conscious of accelerating circumstances? Where can causal links be made to the acceleration and what is coincidental? As a point of departure for these inquiries in the environmental history of Canada, scholars might look to the Canada Lands Survey System as both a resource of pertinent information and a key, relevant subject for these historical questions.

As a repository of historical survey plans and surveyor’s notes, the Canada Lands Survey Records and other Canada Lands datasets represent a valuable and constantly evolving inventory (as of 2010 expanding by 2,000 new documents each year) of records capturing how a variety of lands have been viewed within the lens of rights-bearing parcels and the experiences of those completing the work on the ground.3 Moreover, barriers to accessing the information are minimal. The Canada Lands Survey System’s interface and services provide direct and easy access targeting a variety of current day needs for the community of Canada Lands Surveyors. This active role in the ongoing surveying of Canada Lands means that inquiring historians can easily and freely access detailed sources generated by historical and current surveying activities.

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The Governors General – What’s Old is News

By Sean Graham

This week I talk with John Fraser, author of The Governors General: An Intimate History of Canada’s Highest Office. We talk about John’s experiences meeting all the Canadian-born Governors General, how personality shapes the office, and the role’s political limits. We also discuss the people who held the office, how they managed the position’s responsibilities, and what purpose the monarch’s representative in Canada has in the 21st century.

Historical Headline of the Week

John Fraser, “Julie Payette’s disastrous reign as Governor General: ‘Act of perpetual petulance,‘” National Post, April 2, 2026.

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Supporting Collective Bargaining, Unless it Works: The Past and Present of Federal Labour Rights Suppression in Canada

Christo Aivalis

This is the third and final post in the Canada Post and Canadian Culture series.

Canada Post and its employees have had an undeniable impact on the culture of this country, both via the artistry and symbolism on stamps, and also as an essential facilitator of communication across a vast and diverse nation. From my perspective as a labour and political historian, however, Canada Post and other federal government jobsites have often been a laboratory wherein governments have experimented with ways to restrict the right to strike and bargain collectively, even though those rights are now[i] protected under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. At times, examples set by the federal government to suppress workers’ rights have been followed by employers in the private sector and in other government jurisdictions.

Because of this Charter recognition, and the negative optics of attempting a total ban on labour rights, governments have implemented various tools to quietly diminish the rights workers do have, especially in cases where workers—via unions like Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW)—are actually in a position to achieve victories. Indeed, the victories of unions like CUPW, including maternity leave in 1981, have taught Liberal and Conservative governments alike that they must be careful in explicitly and violently curtailing rights, lest they create martyrs and public sympathy, like when CUPW President Jean-Claude Parrot was jailed in 1979.

Thus, in the postwar era, federal governments have gradually moved away from cracking skulls and locking people up and towards using subtle bureaucratic tools to achieve their objectives more discreetly. During Pierre Trudeau’s time in power, this was achieved under the dubious guise of inflation control, but it continues today with back-to-work legislation, along with the more insidious Section 107 of the Canada Labour Code.

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