Active History

History Slam Episode Sixty-Nine: Historica Canada and Heritage Minutes Contest

September 16, 2015 2 Comments

By Sean Graham

I’m fairly confident that everyone in my elementary school classes could recite the ‘Burnt Toast’ Heritage Minute by memory. It seemed to air multiple times each episode during re-runs of Degrassi on the CBC. While that one stood out the most for me and my classmates, other Heritage Minutes like Laura Second (“Take me to Fitzgibbon”), the Halifax Explosion (“Come on Vince, come on!”), and Orphans (“Johnson, sir, Molly Johnson”) are seared into the memories of millions of Canadians – whether we like it or not.

The Minutes are not perfect and their limitations have been well documented. Historica Canada’s 2012 decision to revive the minutes re-ignited the debate over their content and representation of Canadian history. The new Minutes have made an effort to be more inclusive and less celebratory (during the podcast it is revealed that Historica is currently producing a minute on residential schools), but overall their style is similar to those from the 1990s.

It is that format, however, that makes Heritage Minutes really accessible in today’s media environment. The idea of running one minute commercials doesn’t make nearly as much sense today as it did 20 years ago, particularly amid stories of people cutting off cable subscriptions in greater numbers, but so much internet content is consumed in short installments. Watching a one minute video on YouTube isn’t a significant investment and the ability to embed videos into web pages adds versatility. These clips are a terrific entry point into historical discussion for students used to on-demand content.
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One Monument Too Many: Why R.B. Bennett Doesn’t Deserve a Spot on Parliament Hill

September 16, 2015 3 Comments

By: Sonya Roy and Steve Hewitt

bennettw In recent years, non-experts, with the Harper government leading the way, have advocated and pushed for a conservative rewriting of Canadian history in an effort to find “heroes”[1]. This “great man” rewriting of Canadian history focuses on White, middle-class politicians and businessmen, militarism, and monarchism and leaves out the experiences of ordinary people and related subjects such as the labour movement, social justice struggles, immigration, feminism and colonization. A perfect example of this trend is the 20 August piece in the Globe and Mail “Let’s give R.B. Bennett his due” which portrays Bennett through the lenses of “happy history” as some sort of benevolent and prescient Canadian “Daddy” Warbucks. In making this case, the authors, a collection of journalists, an ex-politician, and a former civil servant, fail to engage in any way with considerably less savoury aspects of his time in office that might help to explain why he does not have a monument on Parliament Hill and why he should not have one in the future. Continue reading →

On Guard for Canadian Parochialism, Part Two

September 15, 2015 No Comments

By Gilberto Fernandes

Who killed spawned Canadian citizenship?

Wikipedia Commons.

Like Gillian Frank and Jamie Duong, who challenged the Elections Act rule limiting the external voting rights of Canadian expats to five years living abroad, I too am an emigrant. I moved to Canada from Portugal over ten years ago through spousal sponsorship. I became a Canadian citizen as soon as I was eligible, mostly because I wanted to be able to vote. I am also a citizen of Portugal, a country that has long encouraged dual citizenship, provided various kinds of aid to its emigrants, and used its diaspora to generate international exchanges with various host countries – something that Canadian governments, businesses, and cultural institutions have welcomed. Like Frank and Duong, I keep well informed about political debates and current events in my home country, which I visit often and may return to one day. I also intend to vote in my homeland’s upcoming national elections.

But unlike Canadian expats, I will be able to vote for my own member of parliament in Lisbon representing my “Outside of Europe” riding. Everyone who knows me knows that I follow Canadian politics avidly and like to express my views on it – case in point. Even before coming to Canada, I educated myself about this country’s history and political system, and can safely say that I know more about these than most Canadians. I have also contributed to disseminating historical knowledge among Canadians and helped preserve their collective memory, to which I have dedicated an unhealthy amount of volunteer hours. Finally, I will soon be the father of a Canadian-born child, to whom I will be sure to bequeath my Portuguese citizenship. In the eyes of some leading historians and public intellectuals, this makes me an uncommitted, compromised, and even ungrateful Canadian. How come? Continue reading →

A Neverending “Crisis”: Migration by Boat and Border Policing in the Mediterranean Sea

September 14, 2015 No Comments

By Keegan Williams

April 19, 2015: a boat carrying up to 850 people sinks half-way between the Libyan coast and Lampedusa, Italy. Social media explodes and cries crisis, prompting an emergency meeting of European Union leaders. Their response is clear: dramatically increase funding for border policing and surveillance, and create Operation EUNAVFOR Med to systematically “identify, capture and dispose of vessels and enabling assets used or suspected of being used by migrant smugglers or traffickers” [1]. What social media missed is that this had all happened before, and will likely happen again.

There is a worrying pattern to the external border, immigration, and asylum policies of the European Union and its member states in the Mediterranean Sea. Seeking tighter external borders since the establishment of the Schengen Area in 1995, they created what sociologist Stephen Castles called “a policy of containment”, or a system designed to keep most migrants out [2]. As legal entry became all but impossible for most people from Africa and Asia, boats were used to bypass the physical border. Their illegalised position heightened their precarious position and led to losses as their journeys became circuitous and expensive. These losses were often labelled as a “crisis” and prompted even tougher security.

The movement and loss of people by boat from the Western Balkans to Italy in the late 1990s, for instance, was called a crisis. Boat crossings and sinkings near the Canary Islands and Lampedusa were also termed crises in the mid-2000s. The deaths of hundreds in large boats near Lampedusa in 2011, 2013, and 2014 were each called a crisis. At these intervals, the EU, along with its member states, made use of the narrative of crisis to justify extralegal responses in the form of stricter visa and entry rules, wider patrols and surveillance, and reduced legal protections. These intended to force people back before arrival at the physical border. Geographer Alison Mountz makes a compelling argument in “Seeking Asylum” that migration crisis can be manufactured to effect rapid policy change [3]. What we see in the Mediterranean is the use of this manufacture to enhance security, the consequence of which is more death – and therefore further crisis. Yet the cycle continues.
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Lessons Learned from the Ugandan Asian Refugees

September 14, 2015 5 Comments

Ugandan Asian refugees board a plane for Canada, 1972. NHQ/AC Roger St. Vincent Collection PH-437.

“Asian immigrants have already added to the cultural richness and variety of our country, and I am sure that those from Uganda will, by their abilities and industry make and equally important contribution to Canadian society” – Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, August 25, 1972.

By Shezan Muhammedi

This was Prime Minister Trudeau’s defence of the decision to deploy an immigration team to Uganda in August of 1972. Following the widely-publicized expulsion of Uganda’s South Asian population by President Idi Amin, the Canadian government admitted almost 8,000 Ugandan Asian refugees. This represented the largest resettlement of non-white, non-Christian refugees in Canada up to that date. As we contemplate the current government’s response to the Syrian refugee crisis, it is worth reminding ourselves of one of the earliest cases of non-European refugees being resettled in Canada. Continue reading →

Compassion or Exclusion: An Election Issue?

September 11, 2015 2 Comments

(this op-ed was originally published in The Record)

By Marlene Epp

Za’atri refugee camp in Jordan, 2014. Home to 83,000 Syrian refugees. Wikimedia Commons.

Right now, it would be judicious of the Conservative government to relax its tight restrictions on refugee sponsorship and annual quotas in order to gain favour during an election campaign. But what is really needed is an election campaign that puts forward an overall and ongoing framework of inclusion and compassion for refugees in addition to a politically-expedient and crisis-driven response.

The world’s attention is focused on the current crisis of human security in which thousands of Syrians and others from the Middle East and Africa are seeking asylum mainly in Europe. Many Canadians are demanding that our governments at all levels do more to open the nation’s gates to desperate people fleeing conflict in their homelands. Often, reference is made to Canada’s history of welcoming refugees, especially the more than 60,000 people who came to this country from Southeast Asia over a period of just two years in the late 1970s, or the 5,500 who were whisked to safety out of Kosovo in 1999. Continue reading →

On Migrants, Refugees and Language

September 10, 2015 No Comments

By Laura Madokoro

Amidst the evolving coverage about the refugees from Syria, there has been a lot of discussion about what term best describes the people who are leaving their homes, taking to boats, and attempting to make their way to Europe.

Editors at Al Jazeera sparked the discussion on 20 August 2015, when they announced that they would no longer use the term “migrant” to describe the departing Syrians. Barry Malone explained the term migrant had “evolved from its dictionary definitions into a tool that dehumanises and distances, a blunt pejorative.”[i] Taking issue with the “umbrella term” for allegedly “diminishing” and erasing the complexities of a very difficult situation, Al Jazeera posited that by using the term refugee, where appropriate, it could counter the conflation of “migrants” with “nuisance” and give “voice” back to the people making the headlines. Al Jazeera’s effort to humanize its coverage should be applauded but the network’s stand is not without complexities of its own.

My own research focuses work on the history of humanitarian assistance, migration and refugeehood. Scholars describe refugeehood as the act of becoming a refugee through various political processes, e.g. the labeling by media, or governmental policies.[ii] The thinking is that there is no essential quality that makes someone a refugee but rather they come to be identified as a refugee, largely through political circumstances (and I would add self-identification). In contrast to Al Jazeera’s strategy, my approach to studying the history of refugeehood has been to refer to people as migrants, not refugees. My reasons for doing so are rooted in efforts amongst scholars to correct the impression that migration is a one way, permanent phenomenon. It is also a response to the historiographical literature that privileges government narratives of welcome and assistance over personal stories of migration. And it is, ultimately, as an effort to shed light on the relatively recent development of migration categories, which often obscure the broader forces at play in the history of global migration.

Let me elaborate.

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Little Bear’s Cree and Canada’s Uncomfortable History of Refugee Creation

September 9, 2015 3 Comments

By Benjamin Hoy

Little Bear’s Band as they await deportation to Canada in 1896
“Little Bear, Cree, Rocky Boy Reservation, Montana,” Montana University State-Northern, FM-1-134, Indian Peoples of the Northern Great Plains Digital Collection

Refugees create complicated political and social climates. Federal decisions to admit or reject individuals, families, and communities fleeing from hardships intertwine humanitarian concerns, political profiteering, immigration policy, domestic security, and racial perceptions into an often-ugly mess. Refugees force countries to consider their moral obligations to those less fortunate and to examine the possibility of their own complicity in the international crisis that sparked movement. As Calgary’s mayor Naheed Nenshi’s recent comments regarding the Syrian refugee crisis suggest, Canada’s treatment of refugees is a matter of national pride and identity. A country’s failure to live up to domestic and international expectations opens it up to disdain and derision at home and abroad.

Although much of the recent media frenzy surrounding immigration and refugees has focused on Canada’s obligation to reacquire or defend its reputation as a sanctuary for those fleeing violence, Canada’s historical relationship to movement under stress is quite a bit more complicated. There is no simple binary between countries that produce refugees, and those that care for them. Most countries, considered historically, are involved on both sides of the equation. The exodus of the Cree after the 1885 Rebellion offers a Canadian example. The Cree’s experience serves not only as a reminder of our uncomfortable past, but also reveals some of the limitations in the model we continue to use to conceive of refugees and our obligations to them. Continue reading →

On Guard for Canadian Parochialism, Part One

September 8, 2015 1 Comment

By Gilberto Fernandes

Wikipedia Commons.

Since coming into power in 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper has taken various steps to redefine Canadian citizenship and reassert its “value” under a territorial, militaristic, loyalist, conformist and Anglocentric interpretation. As numerous commentators have noted, these reforms have unfolded within Harper’s broader campaign to (re)define the meaning of being Canadian along conservative ideals and British traditions. Conservative officials deny the existence of such an underlying agenda, arguing their reforms simply addressed specific problems in the system, such as massive fraud and application backlogs. Recent citizenship debates in English Canada have dwelt mostly on the question of whether it is a right or a privilege; on issues of legality and process; and on measures of loyalty, attachment or worthiness. But there is more to it. In this three-part series of posts, I explore the historical narratives and political myths supporting the Conservative government’s parochial views on Canadian citizenship, and how they affect Canada and its expats’ places in the world. Part one will focus on the policies; part two on the historians; and part three on Canada’s diasporas.

It’s about history. But whose?

How can a country so proud of its well-documented immigration history be so uncaring and ignorant about its emigrants? Continue reading →

Canada’s Complicated History of Refugee Reception

September 4, 2015 4 Comments

Hungarian Refugees arrive in Canada, 1957. Archives of Ontario. F 1405-19-60, MSR.14500.

“Ever since the war, efforts have been made by groups and individuals to get refugees into Canada but we have fought all along to protect ourselves against the admission of such stateless persons without passports, for the reason that coming out of the maelstrom of war, some of them are liable to go on the rocks and when they become public charges, we have to keep them for the balance of their lives.” (F.C. Blair, Director, Immigration Branch, 1938)

“[A]s human beings we should do our best to provide as much sanctuary as we can for those people who can get away. I say we should do that because these people are human and deserve that consideration, and because we are human and ought to act in that way.” (Stanley Knowles, MP, House of Commons, 9 July 1943)

By Stephanie Bangarth

Separated by a mere five years, these two statements reveal much about the historic contradictions of the Canadian approach in dealing with refugee crises. In fact, remove the dates and these statements would not seem out of place in the current Canadian divide over the global refugee crisis in which there are more than 60 million people fleeing war, persecution, and danger. This is a number that surpasses the amount of displaced persons at the end of the Second World War, when my father and my grandparents fled Hungary by train and horse-led wagons to come to Canada in April of 1951, but not before spending six years stateless in Austria. They were among the 120,000+ refugees who made their way to Canada between 1947 and 1953 thanks to contract labour schemes or government, family or church group sponsorships. Make no mistake, the selection criteria were guided by racial and political bias, along with a heavy dose of economic self-interest.

Of all the elements of Canada’s immigration policy, those relating to the admission of refugees have been the most controversial and the most criticized. Continue reading →

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