Canada’s Pro-Life Province: 30 Years without Abortion Access in PEI

By Katrina Ackerman

On Tuesday, January 5, Abortion Access Now PEI announced that it is filing a lawsuit against the Prince Edward Island government for failing to create access to abortions in the province. The lawsuit is one of many attempts by abortion rights activists to provide PEI women with equitable access to abortion services and reaffirms the notion that PEI is Canada’s pro-life province.[1]

Perhaps the label is justified: it’s been thirty years since abortion was an option in the province. On 3 June 1986, 1,374 residents trekked to the city of Summerside’s Prince County Hospital to determine the future of PEI’s sole remaining abortion committee. With a 978 to 396 vote count, attendees removed all access to therapeutic abortions.[2] Since an abortion had not been performed in PEI since 1982, this was only a symbolic victory, but the decisive vote did signal the official end to the practice on the Island. Continue reading

Real American Hero? Military experience in U.S. presidential politics

Oscar Winberg

 George H. W. Bush displays his son George W. Bush’s officer’s bar on his Texas Air National Guard uniform, circa 1968. Credit Getty Images

Fighting presidents: decorated veteran George H. W. Bush and his son George W. Bush in his Texas Air National Guard uniform, 1968. Getty Images

In mid-December, Senator Lindsey Graham threw in the towel and dropped his struggling campaign for the Republican presidential nomination in 2016. The South Carolina senator had struggled to gain any traction in the crowded Republican field where Donald Trump continues to hog a disproportionate amount of the news coverage and a large lead in the polls. Graham’s exit was neither surprising nor particularly significant for the wider race, but it did mark the exit of the last candidate with any military experience (former Texas Governor and veteran Rick Perry left the race in September). Since the nation’s founding, political power and military service have often gone hand in hand. The days of a military-political aristocracy, akin to the Lees or Harrisons of Virginia, are long gone; yet even in the modern political age personal experience of the armed forces has been the norm for presidential hopefuls – not since 1932 have the main candidates for the Republican Party’s nomination for president been people without any military background. Continue reading

Hidden Messages and Code Words: Bill Alldritt’s Letters as a Prisoner in First World War Germany

By Robert Alldritt

Alldritt 1

William A. “Bill” Alldritt.

During the First World War approximately 3000 Canadian soldiers were taken prisoner in Europe. As both Jonathan Vance and Desmond Morton have noted, Canadian POWs typically experienced a combination of monotony, drudgery and depression, often coupled with a sense of shame at having been captured. Accordingly, many POWs felt a driving need to escape, despite the threats of punishment they would receive if they were caught; perhaps evidence of the same spirit of duty and adventure that led them to enlist in the first place.

One prisoner with a strong desire for freedom was Sergeant William A. “Bill” Alldritt, DCM. Sgt. Alldritt was a YMCA Physical Director employed in Winnipeg before (and again after) the war. He enlisted as a member of the 8th Battalion, Canadian Expeditionary Force (90th Winnipeg Rifles), and distinguished himself as a machine gunner during the Second Battle of Ypres, where he was captured on April 25th, 1915. As a POW, Sgt. Alldritt wrote home prolifically. His letters document life in the camps and work kommandos (work parties detached from the main camps) where he was held captive.

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Holiday Hiatus

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Winter street scene, Quebec City, QC, about 1910. Source: McCord Museum.

Winter street scene, Quebec City, QC, about 1910. Source: McCord Museum.

ActiveHistory.ca is on a hiatus for the winter break, with a return to daily posts in early January.

Thank you to all our contributors, guest writers, guest editors, and readers for making 2015 a very successful year.

Happy holidays to all and we look forward to continuing our work in 2016!

Third Annual (?) Year in Review (100 Years Later) Bracket

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By Aaron Boyes and Sean Graham

Once again we have offered our two cents about the events of 100 years ago. Let us know what you think of the final results.

Once again we have offered our two cents about the events of 100 years ago. Let us know what you think of the final results.

Joshua Feuerstein is someone that we had never heard of until he posted a video to Facebook claiming that Starbucks “hated Jesus” because they took Christmas off their red cups. This launched a wave of articles and responses discussing the so-called War on Christmas. What nobody seemed to notice, or at least care about, was that the video was posted on November 5, a full 50 days before Christmas.

In his weekly Tuesday Morning Quarterback column, Gregg Easterbrook of the New York Times regularly discusses his Unified Theory of Creep, which holds that things are constantly creeping forward. To put it another way, we are incapable of living in the moment and must look ahead to the next big thing. That people plead with stores to wait until after Remembrance Day to put out Christmas decorations is a sign of how far things have gone. It really shouldnt be a big deal to say “please, try to restrain yourself to only seven weeks of Christmas songs.”

But it’s not just holidays. Benjamin Moore has already declared the 2016 Color of the Year. Motor Trend revealed its 2016 Car of the Year in November, a full six weeks before the end of 2015. Starbucks launched its fall favourite pumpkin spice latte in August, a full month before fall. Angela Merkel was named Time Magazine‘s Person of the Year on December 9, reminding us once again that, apparently, nothing important happens in December.

This article, which has somehow survived for a third edition, is part of our effort to combat this trend of creep by reminding everyone that time and perspective are important. So we are back to recap the most important events of the year, 100 years later. The rules are simple, we used a painstaking (and proprietary) process to select sixteen major events from 1915 and created four March Madness style brackets. This year they are the Cultural Region, the Science Region, the Politics Region, and (everyone’s favourite) the Potpourri Region. From there, we engaged in a back and forth debate over each match-up on our way to determining the biggest event of 1915.

Like last year, though, we disqualified anything to do with the First World War (with one exception). This isn’t because we don’t want to write about the war – despite knowing we couldn’t do it nearly as well as Canada’s First World War – but rather that the war would dominate the bracket and easily win. For that reason, we have focused on some lesser known, yet still incredibly significant, 1915 events.
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‘Tis the Season (for Social and Economic Change): Depression-Era Christian Socialism and an Alternative Meaning for Christmas

by Christo Aivalis

If one peruses their televisions, computers, and streetscapes, they can’t help but forget that we have been in the throes of the Christmas season since November. But this form of Christmas celebration, tied so deeply with capitalism, belies the transformative optimism Christmas provided working-class socialists in the Depression, and still today. Much as Pope Francis’ criticisms of capitalism and consumerist Christmas celebrations amidst war offer a call to change, so did the Christian Left seek a new social order in the Great Depression via the message of Christ and Christmas. For them, the egalitarian and socialist ideals of a 2000 year old Humble Nararane Carpenter spoke the society they wished to build.

While much has been written about Christianity socialism among ministers-turned-politicians like Tommy Douglas, J.S. Woodsworth, and Stanley Knowles, less has been said about Christian socialism among Canadian workers and trade unionists. Yet if we look back to Depression-era trade union newspapers, we see a movement utilizing Christian scripture and imagery in order to agitate for substantive political, economic, and social reforms. After all, numerous contributors argued that Christ was not only God reborn, but was God reborn as a humble Nazarene carpenter: a workingman sent to bring a gospel of justice and equality for the downtrodden. Christ came not as a king, but as a pauper, and in so doing showed his allegiances. This identification with Christ as a radical workingman led many to propose a Christian social order that struck at the core of social and economic inequality, private property:

A theology which teaches that God is Mammon’s silent partner would necessarily be suspect in an age of folk upheaval…. Property needs not God to protect it…Jesus announced “Good News”[:] namely, that Heaven is passionately on the side of the people against the despotic tendencies of property; and under that leadership a messianic passion for men is announcing itself. The trouble is the working people at large have not yet come to behold The Carpenter.[1]

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“‘Tomorrow Sunny’: The Rise and Fall of Solar Heating in Canada, Part 4”

Henry Trim

In the final part of this series on solar energy we will examine the unhappy results of solar advocates’ overreliance on optimistic simulations and the difficulty of commercializing economically marginal technology. Tragically for development of renewable energy, neither solar technology nor the energy market developed as projected.

Generous federal funding combined with the installation of solar collectors on government buildings set off an immediate boom in solar in 1979. The Canadian solar industry was almost non-existent when the government announced the program a year before. New solar heating companies quickly appeared and the few existing worked feverishly to expand. Although funds often seemed to arrive too slowly for the needs of these fledgling companies and government analysts complained about problems with companies’ paperwork, the program generated the interest in solar and the rapid expansion it hoped for.[1] This expansion, however, came with problems the WATSUN computer model did not predict.

The most serious problems were with the many new companies. Continue reading

High Energy: Hydro-Québec’s Relationship with Vermont

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By James Morgan

During the 1960s and 1970s, Hydro-Québec rose to prominence as a major producer and exporter of hydroelectric power. This later led to a mutually beneficial economic relationship with the State of Vermont when it needed electricity and Québec wanted to sell electricity. The exchange of power from Québec to Vermont changed diplomacy from the federal to provincial and state level, which served Québec’s political, economic, and cultural objectives. Particularly relevant in light of recent debates over oil dependency, as well as ongoing discussions of Québec nationalism, the technological, political, and social challenges encountered during the process demonstrate how energy strategies are often caught up within broader cultural politics. The rise of Québec as a prominent source of hydroelectric power coincided with a rapid and profound political, economic, and cultural modernization that took place in the province.

In the early 1960s, electricity in Québec remained largely under private control until 1962 when nationalization of the private utilities by Hydro-Québec was the major issue of the provincial election campaign for Liberal Premier Jean Lesage. The Liberals won and the nationalization process began in 1963. René Lévesque was Lesage’s Resources Minister who had the responsibility for implementing the nationalization. The nationalization led to massive expansions of generation and transmission, including the Daniel Johnson Dam and Generating Station, and leadership in high voltage transmission in North America—735 kilovolts Alternating Current. The James Bay power project, centered on the La Grande River, was announced in 1971 by Liberal Premier Robert Bourassa.

Sharp rises in oil prices in the 1970s posed a considerable challenge for Vermont utilities and consumers. The state was almost entirely dependent on oil for power generation. Republican Governor Richard A. Snelling looked to Québec for affordable, reliable electricity. Between 1978 and 1980, the Vermont Public Service Board (the state energy regulator) reached an agreement with Hydro-Québec to wheel power from the Beauharnois station to Vermont through New York over existing interconnections with the Power Authority of the State of New York (PASNY). In 1979, a small contract between Québec and Vermont was reached, however Governor Snelling wanted Vermont to receive more power from Québec and become a major conduit for power to reach other New England States. René Lévesque, leader of the separatist Parti Québécois, was now Premier and wanted Québec to export more power for economic and political reasons.

In 1980, Snelling presented his “Electric Community” plan. He called for creation of a North Atlantic Energy Organization, a NATO-like effort to secure affordable, reliable electricity for New England, mostly through power from Québec. The plan was only realized in a figurative sense, as no formal organizations were established. Discussions about possible exports began with the New England Power Pool (NEPOOL), then the regional system operator for New England. In 1983–1984, Hydro-Québec and the Vermont Department of Public Service reached a 10-year contract for 150 megawatts. The power enters Vermont at a station in Highgate near the border with Québec.

In 1983, Québec signed the first agreement with NEPOOL in Boston worth $400 million (Canadian) in revenue for Hydro-Québec. A 735 kilovolt AC line to Des Cantons substation that enters the US through Vermont and terminates near Boston was built to supply the power.

Robert Bourassa returned as Premier in 1985 with a vision for more hydroelectric development in the James Bay region that would require more dams and generating stations on more rivers. This plan was outlined in his book Power from the North. In December 1987, Vermont Joint Owners (VJO), a consortium of Vermont utilities, reached an agreement for 500 megawatts from Hydro-Québec. VJO negotiated directly with Hydro-Québec, the state was only involved as a regulator. In 1990, VJO was approved by the National Energy Board of Canada. The government announced the Great Whale/Grande Baleine power project the same year. All power from it was to be for export markets.

These rapid developments were not free from controversy, however. The Great Whale project instantly became a point of contention due to cultural and environmental concerns involving the indigenous Cree people of the James Bay region. The Canadian government ordered a full environmental assessment of Great Whale, which had not happened with La Grande. There was considerable public protest. Letters showed up in the offices of politicians and a group of Cree people actually canoed from northern Quebec to New York City to make their case to the United Nations. The Vermont Public Service Board responded with strict conditions—Hydro-Québec had to prove that VJO power would come from existing dams and not require Great Whale. Largely due to widespread opposition, the Great Whale project was cancelled by Premier Jacques Parizeau soon after taking office in 1994. Also, VJO was not perfect financially. Price increases were not adjusted to inflation and Hydro-Québec could not renegotiate the price if interest rates fell.

The modernization of Québec during and following the Quiet Revolution was reflected through the rise of Hydro-Québec as a major producer of hydroelectric power and a world leader in long distance transmission. Québec was able to demonstrate its newfound expertise by exporting electricity to the United States—particularly Vermont, at a time when the need there for reliable and affordable electricity was increasing. The modernist achievements of Québec through power generation and transmission, and the ability for Vermont to purchase power from Québec were however greatly challenged and curtailed due to opposition to the Great Whale project by environmental activists and indigenous people concerned about negative effects on their traditional land.

 

James Morgan is a Ph.D. candidate with the Department of History at the University of Ottawa.

Pork Cuts: The Sharp Edges of Nativism in Southern Europe

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By Aitana Guia

NoKebabToo many political leaders are banking on politicizing migration today. Culture has become a fertile battlefield. Food represents familiarity and safety. Eating is a daily activity that connects parents to their children, to their schools, and to their extended families. Social life in Southern Europe revolves around food and food rituals.

Donna Gabbacia, a historian of the American immigrant experience, explains that the “choices people make about eating are rarely trivial or accidental. Food is a central concern of human beings in all times and in all places.”[1]

Marine Le Pen’s Front National (FN) knows it. Continue reading

How Did the Urban Reformers Change Toronto?

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17806-59656By Daniel Ross

For more than four decades, John Sewell has been a constant presence in Toronto civic life, where he has somehow managed to combine relentless criticism of the status quo with a long record of public service. He first drew attention as a community organizer in the late 1960s, before going on to have a career in city politics, including a two-year stint as mayor. Since leaving politics he has become something of a public intellectual, with two well-received books on urban planning, The Shape of the City (1993) and The Shape of the Suburbs (2009). Applauded for his principled stands on civil liberties issues, he has also been criticized as uncompromising, combative, and—a charge he would probably agree with—anti-suburban.

Sewell was just one of a group of progressive community organizers and citizen urbanists who made the jump into municipal politics in late 1960s and early 1970s Toronto. Spurred on by a surge in neighbourhood activism, they found common ground on an agenda of limiting private redevelopment, expanding public services, and increasing citizen participation in government. This was echoed by developments in other Canadian cities—the rise of the Montréal Citizens Movement, for example—prompting talk of a nation-wide “urban reform” or “municipal reform” movement. Sewell’s latest book, How We Changed Toronto (Lorimer, 2015), is an attempt to come to grips with his own role in the reform moment in Toronto. Continue reading