Kainai News: Social Media before Social Media

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Hannah Roth Cooley

Over roughly the last decade, settler Canadians and Americans have started to take note of Indigenous activist initiatives, thanks in large part to social media.

Beginning with the explosion of #IdleNoMore in 2012, social media has become an important tool for circulating political messages and sharing cultural knowledge within and beyond Indigenous communities.

Certainly, Indigenous Peoples advocating for their inherent rights and sovereignty is not new; despite British, American, and Canadian efforts to assimilate Indigenous Peoples into North American colonial societies and undermine their nationhood, generations of activists have pushed for recognition of their political rights, adherence to treaties, and respect of their land rights.

But what was new in 2012 was the use of social media to share these messages and build a media community. Or was it?

While social media certainly provide these opportunities, so too do more traditional media, including newspapers. And Indigenous-led organizations took up newspaper printing long before Facebook was even a glimmer in Mark Zuckerberg’s eye. As early as 1828, with the founding of the Cherokee Phoenix, Indigenous nations undertook newspaper publishing as a means to spread information about events affecting their communities and to connect with other interested readers, near and far.

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Almost Destroyed: Chinese Canadian records at Library and Archives Canada

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Author’s great-grandfather on his first trip back to China to marry. Note the poor quality of the microfilm image and especially photograph. “Wong Guey Yem,” Department of Employment and Immigration fonds, C.I.9 certificates from Vancouver and Victoria, R1206-170-5-E, RG76-D-2-d-i, Item number 119962, Image number T-6050-1073, Library and Archives Canada. 

June Chow

This post is a sequel to The right to remember the past: Opening Chinese immigration records in Canada’s national archives published on March 27, 2025. It is adapted from a presentation made on June 11, 2025 at the Association of Canadian Archivists conference held at Carleton University (Ottawa, Ontario) to an audience that included Librarian and Archivist of Canada, Leslie Weir.

In an earlier blogpost, I shared a firsthand account of how my community worked with its national archives to open racist government records needed to understand and confront the 1923 Chinese Exclusion Act. Over and above the law’s ban on Chinese immigration was its mandatory registration of every Chinese person residing in Canada within twelve months of the Act coming into force. ‘C.I. 44’ forms document this tried-and-true tactic of a state’s criminalization of law-abiding residents through round-up strategies, a modern-day version of which is playing out under the directive of President Trump through U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE). A century after the Chinese Exclusion Act introduced its requirement for mass registration, the records created in this hostile context are being used to pursue collective healing, grounded in the personal, painful work of recovering ancestors who lived through the shame and regret of exclusion in silence. Any sum of the Chinese head tax pales in comparison to the price paid by those like my great-grandfather who endured a lifetime of separation from his wife and children.

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On Wave Relationships and Struggle at the Margins: Transfeminine Histories and Echoes in Newfoundland

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Photo of Jeannie Sheppard (The Daily Register, December 18, 1980) overlaid with waves.

Daze Jefferies and Rhea Rollmann

Editor’s note: the following work by Daze Jefferies and Rhea Rollmann is a piece of creative history. Transfeminine histories are often especially difficult to recount through traditional historical writing. By engaging with archival fragments, as well as oral histories completed by Rhea for her exceptional book A Queer History of Newfoundland, this article uses the power of narrative and poetry to weave these stories together and trouble our conception of history.

At Newfoundland’s far edges of the North Atlantic, transfeminine histories – of survival and resistance, of love and loss, of leaving and staying – are shaped by wave relationships. Ebbing and flowing over the past one hundred years, these relationships permeate the archive: re-storied in early twentieth century folksongs[1]; emerging from rural youth voices within the medical and media record; held by sisterhood among drag performers and showgirls; tendered in the personals ads of local and visiting sex workers; affirmed through access to the early internet’s resources; echoing as protest chants through outport dirt roads and city streets alike; lingering in the wake of forced resettlement and outmigration; rising again through collective efforts to know and honour those who came before. Evidence of historical trans and genderqueer presence in Newfoundland emerges in wave-form, like so many gleaming shells half-buried in the sand, revealed by ebbing tides. Half-submerged fragments of memory disappear beneath a moon-swept shoal, signposts to lives half-lived, only to re-emerge in other places: Montreal, New York, British Columbia.

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Trans-Canada Highway – What’s Old is News

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By Sean Graham

We’re back from our summer hiatus with a new season and we’re kicking it off by talking with Craig Baird, the host of Canada History Ehx about his new book Canada’s Main Street: The Epic Story of the Trans-Canada Highway. We talk about his motivation to write about the highway, why the highway doesn’t have the same romanticized history as the railroad, and the contested circumstances of its origins. We also chat about the highway’s route, how it shaped different regions, and its legacy in Canadian history.

Historical Headline of the Week

“Ontario is the weakest link in the Trans-Canada Highway, group says,” Sootoday.com, August 25, 2025.

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From Static to Streaming: Canada’s 100-Year Fight for Cultural Sovereignty

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By Christine Cooling

When Canadians tuned into their first radio broadcasts in the 1920s, much of what they listened to wasn’t Canadian. American stations with stronger signals and flashier programming initially dominated the airwaves. The radio audience developed over time as the medium entered the domestic space, but Canadian listeners were part of a transnational media environment from the very start.

Politicians and cultural advocates quickly worried that Canada’s nascent national identity would be drowned out by its louder neighbour. One solution was bold: create a publicly funded, nationally regulated broadcasting system to tell Canadian stories and protect Canadian culture.

A century later, the debate isn’t dead. It’s just moved online. Canada’s 2023 Online Streaming Act (Bill C-11) brought platforms such as Netflix under the same regulatory apparatus once built for radio. The controversy it sparked on social media shows how deeply broadcasting policy remains tethered to cultural identity—and how difficult it is to future-proof a system designed for a radically different era.

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Kiyo Tanaka-Goto: An Open Educational Resource on a Life of Defiance and Relation-Making in the Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside

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Hand towel, Nikkei National Museum & Cultural Centre Kiyo Goto Collection, 2003.7.37, photo by Tadafumi Tamura.

Laura Ishiguro, Nicole Yakashiro and Ayaka Yoshimizu

What can one racialized migrant woman’s life teach us about resistance and community-building in today’s context of rising conservatism, nationalism, and securitization? The open educational resource (OER) we’ve created centres on the life of Kiyo Tanaka-Goto, a Japanese woman who lived much of her adult life in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside (DTES), especially during the interwar and postwar years. Kiyo’s story speaks to our current moment, offering a powerful reminder that marginalized women have long resisted systemic violence and built community in the face of exclusion—and it invites us to rethink whose lives matter in our collective memory and in shaping our present and future. The OER includes a teaching and learning module that invites users to engage with archival materials related to Kiyo’s life, including her interviews and photographs of her belongings.

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Reading Old Newspapers

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By Andrew Nurse

I like reading old newspapers and I know that is not out of place for an historian.

In one way or another, media are history’s life blood, even if we don’t all make use of them in the same way. The range of media at which historians look is broad. It includes posters and recordings, maps and letters, films and oral traditions, and all matter of other things. We are trained to account for source biases, find ways to respect authors and audiences, set works and words in context, and think about how communications are part of systems of social relationships.

All of this is important, but that is not why I like reading old newspapers, or at least not all of it.

I like them because they surprise me. They show me things about the past I had not expected and, on a human level, they let me see into lives of the people on which they report. This might not work the same way for large-scale media, but community newspapers are often tightly focused on the suburbs and small towns that are their centre and market. 

Recently, I’ve been reading The Spryfield News, a long defunct community newspaper that ran for just a bit more than a year in 1976 and 1977. 

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Elizabeth MacCallum and the Global South Confront Partition

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Lester Pearson chairs the meeting on Palestine at Committee 1, United Nations Special Session of the General Assembly, May 6, 1947. Credit: UN Photo, UN7520510.

John Price

This is the second post in a two-part series based on a recently published article in the International Journal, “Resisting Palestine’s Partition: Elizabeth MacCallum, the Arab World and UN Resolution 181(II).”Part One is available here.

The balance of evidence does suggest that Canada contributed more than any other country, including the USA, to the establishment of Israel. As such, Canada has considerable responsibility for the several million Palestinian Arabs who were forcibly displaced to make way for the new state of Israel, or incorporated into it as second class citizens.”

Global Affairs Canada official Peyton Lyon (Behind the Headlines, 1998)

Lester Pearson led the drive for the United Nations to partition Palestine, a feat seemingly accomplished with the passage of UN Resolution 181(II) on November 29, 1947, recommending the creation of a Jewish state, a Palestinian state, and international control over Jerusalem. Pearson would forever defend his actions as the “best of all solutions.” and “the only solution that might bring peace and order to Palestine.” 

As shall become evident, Pearson’s predictions proved widely off the mark, but a liberal narrative about Pearson (winner of the 1957 Nobel Peace Prize, foreign affairs minister, and then prime minister of Canada) as an honest broker persists. This, and Zionism’s continuing influence has tethered Canadian foreign policy to support for Israel.

Within Canada’s foreign affairs department, however, dissent has existed as the quote from Peyton Lyon cited above illustrates. And recent studies such as Ardi Imseis’s The United Nations and the Question of Palestine have helped unearth a different appreciation of what happened at the UN in 1947. Building on these insights, a close reading of the archive reveals an anti-racist story of resistance that generated real alternatives to partition – alternatives that demand careful attention in light of the current atrocities taking place in Palestine.

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In the Shadow of Genocide: Elizabeth MacCallum Challenges Anti-Jewish Racism and Zionism

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Elizabeth MacCallum. Source: Queen’s Alumni Review Vol. 27, November 1952, p. 215, photo by Van’s Studio Ottawa.

John Price

This is the first post in a two-part series based on a recently published article in the International Journal, “Resisting Palestine’s Partition: Elizabeth MacCallum, the Arab World and UN Resolution 181(II).”  The second post in the series is available here.

“I am a Zionist,” declared Justin Trudeau just before stepping down as prime minister.

“No one in Canada,” he stated, “should ever be afraid to call themselves a Zionist.”

Trudeau’s remarks came during a National Forum on Combatting Anti-Semitism. In response, the Israeli embassy in Ottawa welcomed his remarks, while UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights, Francesco Albanese, asserted that fighting antisemitism is a duty but that Zionism infringes on Palestinian’s right to self-determination.

These contrary responses reflect sharp divisions in Canada about Israel-Palestine and also about the definition of antisemitism. For supporters of Zionism, the focus is on Hamas and its October 7 attack that killed approximately 1200 people including civilians. Supporters of Palestine point out that the Israeli response has been disproportionate and indiscriminate with over 50,000 in Gaza killed, mainly women and children.

Both sides assert the necessity of countering antisemitism but differ on what constitutes antisemitism.

Rather than helping to clarify these complex issues, Trudeau’s declaratory performance simply aligned himself with one side in what has arguably been a long and complicated history of anti-Jewish, anti-Palestinian, and anti-Arab racism in Canada.

The Nazi genocide and its aftermath marked a watershed moment in this history, one that Elizabeth MacCallum had to navigate as a newcomer to Canada’s Department of External Affairs.

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Queering Histories of Divorce and the Family in Nova Scotia

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Image of Countway v. Countway decision as it appears in Can LII database, CanLII: Canadian Legal Information Institute.

Erin Gallagher-Cohoon 

In June 1968, a young woman petitioned the Nova Scotia Court for Divorce and Matrimonial Causes for a dissolution of marriage on the grounds of legal cruelty. She had lived with her husband in both Halifax and Western Shore in Lunenburg County for five years before briefly separating in 1965 and then again, this time for good, in 1967. They had one son, and the wife described the first years of their marriage as “normal.” Over time, however, their relationship suffered and he “refused sexual intercourse and said that he did not love her and, finally, he told her that he loved another man. He said ‘I’m queer.’” Revealing of the climate at the time, the term “normal” was used repetitively in the judge’s summary of the wife’s petition and was always inherently heterosexual. In contrast, in similar family law cases, queer sex was often described as “unnatural,” “unusual,” or “abnormal.” This post queers Nova Scotian family law by delving into Countway v. Countway: the earliest reported Canadian divorce case in which a spouse’s queer sexuality was interpreted as legal cruelty.

According to the wife’s account in Countway v. Countway, the couple continued to live together after her husband’s declaration, but their relationship became increasingly strained. According to the wife, he had introduced his lover to their son and would invite his lover and friends over in the evenings while she was at work. Private house parties of this sort were popular queer social spaces in many Canadian cities prior to the development of a gay bar scene. Mrs. Countway convinced her husband to see a psychiatrist, which he did once before refusing to continue the sessions. Crucially, Mr. Countway’s refusal to return can be understood within a longer history of psychiatric pathologization.  In 1968, homosexuality was still listed as a mental disorder in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). It was not until 1973 that queer activists were successful in their fight to have “homosexuality” removed from the DSM (gender diversity, in contrast, continued to be pathologized under a new term). 

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